Dethrone Royalty

Reclamation of Power at Tikal and Palenque, 600-750CE

During the seventh and eighth centuries, Maya civilization experienced an unprecedented distribution of power throughout a number of cities. The balance of control was precarious, as political dominance waned from many of the earlier centers in a general trend westward. Many sources attribute this shift to the general weakness of Tikal during the sixth and seventh centuries, but this argument will illustrate that such a unilateral conclusion is inconsistent with the evidence. Considering Tikal's resurgence under Hasaw Chan K'awiil and his successors, the apparent flow of wealth to the Western regions of Maya territory resulted from a broader instability including Dos Pilas and most importantly Calakmul. The flourishing of both Tikal and Palenque during this period would imply that it was the defeat of Calakmul, rather than Tikal, that brought about the "golden age" experienced by many sites at this time. To support this theory, examples of the civic programs employed by Hasaw Chan K'awiil and K'inich Hanaab' Pakal I will be examined in detail, illuminating how each ruler sought to replace a tradition of defeat by Calakmul and its satellite centers with one that emphasizes a resurgence of power embodied by their divine right to rule.

Tikal existed as a powerful city from the Preclassic Period, with monumental architecture dating to circa 400BCE.  It experienced a tumultuous history leading to its cultural and architectural apex during the Classic Period under Hasaw Chan K'awiil.  During the long period between its founding and its most famous and archaeologically rich era, it suffered many defeats and resurgences.  The first of the two most influential to its later culture were the appearance of Teotihuacan influence after 378CE, when the representatives of the military state fought and married their way into political power at Tikal, effecting a period of enormous wealth and influence for the city.  The second was the long period of war and defeat with its neighboring rival Calakmul culminating in approximately 695CE.  Both of these events had a major impact on the subsequent building programs of Hasaw Chan K'awiil and his successors who tried to reclaim the glory of the Teotihuacano rule and reject the series of sour subjugations during the painfully recent "star wars" with their local adversaries. 

Calakmul was a traditional adversary of Tikal that exercised its influence over neighboring cities in order to prevent the expansion of influence of Tikal through the Peten region.  The height of this strategy came in the middle of the seventh century, when Calakmul supported B'alaj Chan K'awiil, the head of a breakaway dynasty with a claim on the Tikal throne centered at the rival capital of Dos Pilas.  With the financial and military support of Calakmul behind him, B'alaj Chan K'awiil was able to force Nuun Ujul Chaak, the father of Hasaw Chan K'awiil, into exile in 657.  It took Nuun Ujul Chaak fifteen years to garner enough aid from other cities struggling against Calakmul's militaristic control to allow him to conquer Dos Pilas and dethrone the contending claimant.  This did not end the "star wars," however, and in 677 Calakmul retook Dos Pilas and restored B'alaj Chan K'awiil.  Two years later, B'alaj defeated his adversary, apparently killing him, although this is uncertain.  Equally ambiguous is the reason why Nuun Ujul Chaak's son was permitted to succeed his father in 682, leaving the traditional Tikal dynasty intact.  (Martin and Grube, 42)

Due to this apparent oversight, Hasaw Chan K'awiil managed to amass enough might to conquer Calakmul in 695, killing king Yich'aak K'ak' and effectively ending the "star wars" that existed between the two cities for generations.  As a result, the later stages of Hasaw Chan K'awiil's rule were defined by local stability and military success, allowing him the manpower and resources to implement his elaborate building program.  One of his first acts in 695 was to collect all of the stelae Calakmul and its accomplices had ritually broken and discarded.  He buried them in an elaborate ceremony, functioning as a symbolic public affirmation of the victory and restoration of Tikal, a reversal of all of the wrongs done to the city during the prolonged devastation of the "star wars."  Then Hasaw Chan K'awiil initiated his building program, which served a dual function of reinstating pride and ingenuity amongst a population long-suffering from economic and ideological depression through employing them as labor on an enormous scale and providing them with fantastic images of resurgence.  (Schele and Freidel, 195) 

The eighth century marked a major resurgence in Tikal monumental building, which had suffered a substantial collapse during Tikal's period of debility.  In this architectural reclamation, Hasaw Chan K'awiil was able to set a new standard for construction and iconography that would last until the city's ultimate decline.  This is evident in his stelae as well as the locations of funerary pyramids.  (Miller, 129)  His early decision to build upon the Northern Acropolis and the Central Plaza not only reaffirmed the well established Maya mode of successive buildings as an affirmation of dynastic continuity.  In this case, it was an illustration to the population that he was recovering the capital's thousand year history of regional power.  It also served the utilitarian function of covering those monuments that had been ritually damaged during the series of conquests.  The final effect of his civic plan was to not only to renew the historic structural symbols of his dynasty, but also to surround them with those of the new era of Tikal's dominance.  (Schele and Freidel, 196)

Astrology is of consistent significance in Mayan culture for planning or manipulating major events such as births, deaths, and battles.  The vast majority of rulers relied on the cycles of Venus, the war planet, to determine the dates of their battles.  Hasaw Chan K'awiil, however, rejected this practice in celebrating his victory over Calakmul in favor of one more relevant to his own designs for himself and his city.  (Schele and Freidel, 208)  Instead, he set the major events of his early career to correspond with the life of Spearthrower Owl, a Teotihuacan ruler and father of Yax Nuun Ayin I, one of the great historic leaders of Tikal.  His accession to the throne is recorded as one day before the 308th anniversary of that of Spearthrower Owl, and the 695 victory over Calakmul marked the 256th (13 katun) year since Spearthrower Owl's death.  (Martin and Grube, 45) The iconography was in direct parallel to his career, as Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube argue, "Under [Hasaw Chan K'awiil's] direction Tikal was to experience a spectacular reversal in its fortunes and a resurgence that would restore much of its Early Classic glory.  This is not simply the view of modern scholarship, but an image Jasaw Chan K'awiil clearly envisaged for himself, linking his reign to the heyday of Tikal's past and era of its closest contacts with central Mexico."  (Martin and Grube, 44) 

  This attempt to connect his reign to the political heights reached by Tikal under the influence of the Central Mexican city of Teotihuacan is highly documented in the public and private decorations he commissioned.  On the façade of structure 5D-57, an image accessible by the general population, he reverts to this Teotihuacano imagery in his depiction of his defeat of Calakmul.  Here he is shown holding a bound captive, who is widely supposed to be Yich'aak K'ak, wearing the full costume of a Teotihuacan warrior.  Compare this with one of two wooden lintels in Temple I, a location that does not suggest high viewership, in which a similar triumphal image presents him in identical attire.  The lintel adds an additional element, referencing the capture of Yajaw Maan, a Calakmul deity  (Martin and Grube, 45) The correspondence between these two victorious representations suggest that Hasaw Chan K'awiil was not only seeking to present himself as embodying a revival of historical heights to his subjects, but also to himself and the gods.

During his 52 year reign, Hasaw Chan K'awiil was responsible for many of the major contributions to Tikal's civic design still visible to day.  To begin with, there are is Stela 16, which marked the reinvention of Stela design, which had been fundamental in the iconography of Tikal royalty from as early as 292CE but waned during the "star wars" period.  The new model set forth in Stela 16 was simple yet affective, and remained the standard for each subsequent generation.  Decorated only on the front, they contain a brief text recounting the name of the ruler and a catalog of one or two events.  Stela 16 shows Hasaw Chan K'awiil with his body in frontal view and his head in profile, while all of his descendants are shown in full profile.  (Miller, 129)  As with his other projects, he used stelae to reflect his reclamation of traditions of Tikal even as he reformed them.  This is demonstrated by Stela 14, wherein he holds out his forearms to support a staff of the style favored by the Early Classic Tikal kingship.  (Schele and Freidel, 213)  All of the stelae were partnered with alters placed at their feet depicting the rulers holding captives and housed between Twin Pyramid Complexes. 

Hasaw Chan K'awiil built three Twin Pyramid Complexes (M, N, and O), one to mark each of the katun endings that fell during his extended period of rule.  These structures consist of truncated pyramids and low buildings encasing the sculptural monuments, and were frequently associated with katun endings.  (Ranney, 3)  The complexes illustrate an exemplary use of cardinal direction and its centrality to civic design.  By utilizing all four directions, they implement all of the political symbolism available.  The structures placed on the East-West axis mark the journey of the sun, while the North-South directionality place the king depicted in the stela at a certain significant point along this path.  The impact of this design is that the image of the ruler sits at a certain point along the yearly progression of the sun.  To the Maya audience, this would have signaled that ruler's relationship to the heavens and the underworld, united by the Earthly representation.  (Ashmore and Sabloff, 202)  Additionally, the positioning could have indicated the date of ritual celebration of the ruler after his death.

In addition to his stelae, Hasaw Chan K'awiil also implemented significant renewals or reconstructions of earlier structures.  He replaced the earliest arena in the East Plaza with a ball court and the corresponding temple, fashioned in the Teotihuacan-style.  He also commissioned major additions to the Central and Northern Acropolises with a characteristic fusion of classical and innovative styles.  As referenced above, he expanded many of the existing temples in these areas.  Contrastingly, he broke the Tikal tradition by constructing Temple II not within but outside the limit of the Central Plaza.  This established a tradition of placing burial structures for royalty throughout the city.  Temple II was designed for Hasaw Chan K'awiil's primary queen and mother of his heir, Lady Kalajuun Une' Mo', and is the example on which much of the later pyramidal architecture is modeled.  (Martin and Grube, 46)  The most glaring example of this legacy is the parallel Temple I built for Hasaw Chan K'awiil by his son Yik'in Chan K'awiil.  The two together create an impressive central space leading into the Central Plaza that overwhelms the modern viewer and certainly would have imbued the native population with simultaneous pride and awe at the abilities of their rulers.

The most fascinating aspect of Temple I, other than its sheer magnitude and elegance, is how it addresses its stylistic predecessor Temple II.  This physical pairing echoes the ideological intentions of Yik'in Chan K'awiil in constructing it.  With it, son clearly addresses parents, attempting to translate their lofty accomplishments into his own rule.  This is evidenced by the iconography, visibly revering the deceased king while equally asserting his own connections with the period of ascendance he provided.  The roofcomb of Temple I, barely visible today, houses a seated sculpture of Hasaw Chan K'awiil.  (Martin and Grube, 48)  The intended impression is undeniable, as the deified ruler overlooks the city he restored and monitors the affairs of the public who process through the Plaza.  While the program instituted during Yik'in Chan K'awiil's reign was equally impressive as that of his father, the effect of his earliest work and the space it creates as it pays homage to his father's innovative style dominates the legacy of this militarily and culturally successful ruler.  As if to present the impression of a continual increase in efficacy, Yik'iin Chan K'awiil's son commissioned Temple IV, the most massive temple of the eighth century, for his father's burial.  The continuity is significant, indicating an established design of suggesting to the audience the direct translation of power between generations.

After this period, the mode of royal construction was largely defined by the iconography implemented by Hasaw Chan K'awiil.  Even minute details, such as the dress worn by kings on their official stelae, seems to depict that subsequent rulers wore identical clothing and decorations to that worn by their famous ancestor.  Some scholars argue that, considering the exact correlation of costuming, it is likely that the adornments were in fact stored and reused in order to endow each successive ruler with the power of their original wearer (Miller, 130)  The reflective intentions is presented on a far larger scale, however, by the building programs of the eighth century onward.  All major constructions after this era address Temples I and II.  This inward orientation reflects a cultural trend during this ultimate apex of Tikal's extended history.  The art of this period equally emphasizes a policy of self-containment now considered preferential to risking involvement in the regional power play.  These rulers elected instead to focus on a preservation of the past triumphs of Tikal, rather than attempt to surpass them.  Note that Temple IV was the last to architecturally express a technical superiority to its precursor.  Finally, this trend is most strongly verified by the removal of Early Classic monuments from their original locations.  They were placed during this epoch of historical dénouement on the Northern Acropolis, effectively sealing off the complex to future expansions in what Mary Ellen Miller refers to as a "triumph of Maya Modernism."  (Miller, 33)

In contrast to Tikal, located almost at the epicenter of seventh century Mayan political turmoil, Palenque was part of a Western system of cities more physically removed from the constant warfare.  Ideologically, however, it suffered from the same series of defeats that shaped Hasaw Chan K'awiil's reign.  Between 599 and 615, Palenque experienced a period of dynastic turmoil and cultural weakness as a result of the military incursions made by Calakmul.  The resurgence of the Palenque dynasty from this dark age is personified by K'inich Hanaab' Pakal I, the most famous ruler of the site.  Pakal was only twelve years old when he inherited the throne from his mother in 615 after her three year reign.  Since Lady Sak' K'uk' lived for another 25 years after this date, it is largely assumed that she retained effective sovereignty while her son was the nominal king.  This hypothesis may be confirmed by the fact that the first monument erected by Pakal, the Temple Olvidado, did not appear until 647, after the deaths of his parents.  (Martin and Grube, 162) 

The advantage of the "star wars" that still raged in the East during Pakal's reign was the political and financial liberty it allowed Western cities.  As a result, sites such as Palenque rapidly amassed wealth and military successes in the vacuum created.  Rulers of these Western cities rapidly gained wealth and prestige, necessitating extensive building programs to promote themselves and the legitimacy of their rules.  Therefore, the vast majority of architectural innovations from the seventh century onward occurred in the West.  (Miller, 35)  No capital represented this trend more accurately than Palenque where, "in every respect, Palenque sculptors examined the qualities of traditional and conservative art and sought alternative solutions."  (Miller, 109)  This was facilitated by the natural resources of the region.  Limestone at Palenque is particularly soft and fine-grained, facilitating detailed carvings that can almost imitate the fluidity of painting.  During this flourishing of style and culture from 650 to 750, Pakal and his two sons and successors, Kan B'alam and Kan Hok' Chitam, built the majority of what still exists at Palenque today.

After he constructed the Temple Olvidado, Pakal continued his work to reestablish his kingdom's preeminence with his major project, the Palace of Palenque.  His ultimate contribution was to be an open space with the buildings radiating outward into the larger plateau from a point at the Northern end of House E.  He began his program in 654 by adding his own monuments to the last phase of buildings from the Early Classic Period.  After this he implemented a new level of construction with a high platform that stretched across the center of the compound.  The first addition on this secondary elevation was House E or the Great White House, so named for its contrast in decoration amidst the uniform red of the other structures.  (Martin and Grube, 163)  House E represented a stylistic shift in construction as the first to use stone and stucco materials to imitate the perishable architecture such as thatched roofing.  Since this served as Pakal's throne room, this may symbolize an expression of humility, wherein the site of royal audience imitates the housing of the common people, although with far more sophisticated composition.  (Miller, 38) 

Housed within the throne room was an object of innovation surpassing that of its housing.  The Oval Palace Tablet, as it is known, was the only Classic stone monument to reject utilizing a form created by straight lines.  Instead, it imitates the shape of a jaguar pelt throne cushion.  The earliest surviving stone panel decoration found at Palenque, it rested on the back of his elaborate throne.  As with the wood lintels of Tikal, this was clearly an item with limited viewership proportionate with the quantity and quality of persons allowed in the king's presence.  It is a celebration of Pakal's accession in 615, and shows him receiving the crown from his mother.  He sits on a bicephalic jaguar throne, which draws a parallel between the ruler and the maize god, of whom such a seat is an attribute.  Most interestingly, Pakal appears very simply dressed for such an elaborate ritual of succession.  Miller argues that this representation is a means of emphasis on the power of the man rather than the position.  (Miller, 110)  An additional interpretation might include the parallel between this depiction and the duality of House E itself.  Through each, humility is intertwined into the most grandiose symbols of power in the city, the ruler and his audience.

The next phase in the Palace complex included Houses C and B (661) and House A (668), which became the new Eastern Court.  Of these, the most artistically fascinating is House C, whose decorations impress audiences with their military imagery.  The courtyard of this structure was flanked by nine enormous statues of captives, depicted in a style frequently seen at Calakmul.  When one processed past them in order to enter the building beyond, it ritually emphasized the humiliation of these figures.  The individuals depicted represent actual conquests of Palenque on successive days in 662, each bearing his name and the date of his defeat on his loincloth.  Once beyond these imposing sculptures, the next visible iconography, equally blatant in its message, is the march of tributary lords from Pamona engraved on the lower story of House C.   (Miller, 39) 

Finally, the stairs that lead from this open area to the second floor recount the military history of Palenque, beginning with the city's defeat by Calakmul in 599.  It names numerous rulers who contributed to the downfall of this aggressive power, including a reference to Nuun Ujul Chaak's visit while in exile.  The account ends in 659 with the capture of the same lords seen paying tribute at the base of the stairs.  (Martin and Grube, 164)  The implications of the motif of House C are abundantly clear.  Respect Palenque and do not challenge its military power, or you will be captured and forced to pay tribute.  It was a straightforward meant to impress visitors with the wealth already available to the city from taxation, and that they would become a part of the history of Palenque's conquests should they disregard this warning.  Taken together, the overall iconography employed at the Palace of Palenque suggests that the business of the court focused on warfare, collection of tribute, and a general power play with the neighboring regions.  (Miller, 40) 

Pakal presented an equally interpretable message with his Temple of the Inscriptions.  Built in 683, it is a rare example of a funerary monument fully implemented by the person it would house, rather than his successor.  This potentially reinforced the public perception of Pakal as immortal.  He was already more than twice the average life expectancy, and now he was constructing the means by which he would connect with the heavens and underworld.  Without discussing the famous sarcophagus slab, which most likely only had a viewership of the workers and potentially the king, there are abundant examples of this program of divinity within the Temple structure.  Like Temple I at Tikal, the Temple of the Inscriptions has nine levels, representing the nine layers of the underworld.  The Temple at Palenque also uses thirteen corbel vaults between the burial chamber and the upper galleries, which symbolize the thirteen spheres of heaven.  The vault that held the kings remains is of extraordinary construction with an emphasis on durability.  Traditionally, cross-ties in such open structures use wood for its tensile strength.  However, Pakal demanded stone cross-ties, which are less practical unless one's focus is primarily on creating an eternal space.  Stone is also the chosen medium for the small tube, known as a "psychoduct," that follows the course of the stairs, connecting the stuccoed edifice at the top of the pyramid with the king's entombment below.  This provided a psychological connection with the deceased ruler, while also potentially a physical means of access for ceremony and offerings.   (Miller, 40)

Succession was clearly of vast significance to the Palenque rulers during this period.  This is embodied by the Temple of Inscriptions, which houses four distinct chronologies of the major events of the dynasty dating back to the mythical origins of the city.  Pakal was responsible for the three slabs housed within the temple, as well as the wall in his burial chamber and the outside of his sarcophagus, while Kan B'alam would have overseen the stairway.  This obsessive attention to detail resulted from the uncertainty of the period preceding their reigns, during which the city suffered through a dark age at the mercy of Calakmul and its allies.  These two kings were compelled to emphasize their divine right to authority, since certainly antagonists would have questioned a period of chaotic successions finally transferred to Pakal through a matrilineal connection.  (Schele and Freidel, 218)  The two kings even altered the official imagery, manipulating the city's creation myth to suggest that Lady Sak' K'uk' actually represented the First Mother, the mother of all the gods.  By using this image strategically, Pakal impressed his audience with the idea that he was a descendant of a goddess and had received his crown directly from her (as in the Oval Palace Tablet).

While the Temple of the Inscriptions was Pakal's way of confirming his legitimacy and immortality, it also represented the transition of power from him to his son Kan B'alam.  The successor is responsible for much of the decoration on the pyramid, although whether he replaced some of his father's iconography or more likely inherited the project when Pakal died is uncertain.  On the stairs of the structure, which recount a dynastic history of Palenque, the last three squares describe Kan B'alam's accession.  The stucco façade of the building presents the deified infant Kan B'alam, drawing overt parallels between him and the infantile form of the god K'awiil.  (Martin and Grube, 168)  With this artistic program, the son transfers the enormous prestige of his father into his own rule.  Certainly, Kan B'alam, already 48 years old when he finally inherited the throne from his accomplished father, would have found it necessary to begin immediately in asserting his own abilities in both leadership and architectural design.  His work on completion of the Temple of Inscriptions initiated an impressive and illustrious career that overcame the looming shadow of Pakal's legacy.

After completion of the Temple of Inscriptions and the confirmation of his rightful succession, Kan B'alam strove to separate and distinguish himself through his architectural program.  Where Pakal's major project had been expanding the Palace complex, Kan B'alam made little contribution to it.  Instead, he created a new religious center apart from the rest of Palenque's extant architecture.  The Cross Group, consisting of three temples dedicated together in 692, represented a willingness to assert his legacy individually rather than a reliance on Pakal's achievements.  (Miller, 42)  He began the program by constructing an artificial terrace that overlooked the Temple of Inscriptions.  He then commissioned three elaborate temples: The Temples of the Cross, the Sun, and the Foliated Cross.  Each functioned as the locus of worship of one of the city's triad gods, with a symbolic sweat bath where the god could come to receive worship from the people.  Also included in the artistic program of each temple was a wall panel, all depicting an adult Kan B'alam facing an adolescent version of himself worshiping the god whom the temple served.  (Martin and Grube, 169)  This is a bizarre example of Mayan imagery, difficult to interpret.  However, it seems to present a self-image consistent with that of the Temple of Inscriptions stuccoes.  While claiming direct communication with the gods, it is equally important to depict himself as possessing this authority as a youth, before the death of Pakal.

Iconography in Palenque, as in Tikal, centered on the concept of renewal of the city space.  Ashmore and Sabloff identify, "two potent sources of special patterning at these scales: Maya concepts of directionality and political affiliation through emulation of civic architecture at more revered or powerful places."  (Ashmore and Sabloff, 202)  Taking into account this understanding of traditional Mayan architectural programs, one can readily evaluate the specific aims of the leaders discussed above.  Each began his program by expanding upon earlier centers of royal imagery.  The significant divergence occurred when these rulers chose to decisively remove their works from these spaces and establish new loci of power within their respective cities.  Considering the understanding that Maya rulers generally opted to establish legitimacy through continuity, these kings appear to send an unmistakable message that they will define a new direction for their dynasties.  The duality of continuity and revolutionary design is firmly planted in the historical context.  Hasaw Chan K'awiil and Pakal both initially needed to impress upon their subjects and rivals that they would reclaim and restore the former might of their cities.  However, they also expressed the initiation of a new era based upon and building upon their accomplishments.  As predicted, the generations that followed would look to their works to design their own building programs and iconographies, revering the heights reached during their reigns just as they had revered their most prominent predecessors. 

 

 

 

 

Sources Cited:

1. Ashmore, Wendy and Sabloff, Jeremy. "Spatial Orders in Maya Civic Plans." Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 13, No. 2 (June, 2002). Pp. 201-215
2. Martin, Simon and Grube, Nikolai. Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens. C. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. 2000
3. Miller, Mary Ellen. Maya Art and Architecture. C. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd. 1999
4. Ranney, Edward. Stonework of the Maya. C. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 1974
5. Schele, Linda and Freidel, David. A Forest of Kings. C. New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc. 1990

About the Author

Alana Blumenthal is an historian with a B.A. from Sarah Lawrence College

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